On Court, Off Court, and Always on Camera: Women’s Tennis and the Media

Prezi (Digital Exhibit)

On Court, Off Court, and Always on Camera: Women’s Tennis and the Media

A Digital Exhibit

Follow along this text as you make your way through the Prezi exhibit. Enjoy!

The Raducanu Effect: What Does it Show Us?

1. Raducanu Lifts US Open Trophy

Under the flashing lights of Arthur Ashe Stadium, with Katy Perry’s “Teenage Dream” playing on the speakers, all eyes were on an eighteen-year old star lifting up the US Open Championship trophy, the first qualifier to ever do so.1 By the end of the fortnight, everyone knew the name Emma Raducanu. Her youthful presence and talent graced nearly every American breakfast show following her win, her Instagram following skyrocketed from 400,000 to two million over the course of the US Open, she attended the Met Gala just days after her triumph, and she amassed sponsorships from several top brands, including Tiffany and Co, which, fittingly, is the manufacturer of the tournament’s trophies.2, 3 

2. A Champion of Marketability

Despite her clear talent on the tennis court and the worthy attention she has brought to women’s tennis, the terms most commonly heard with Raducanu’s name do not have to do with her game; instead, words along the lines of “marketable” and “brand” have become synonymous with the teenager. Raducanu became the young female star that tennis, and the world, needed. A fresh Grand Slam champion and new talent on the tour, proud Brit, multiracial, seemingly sweet and unproblematic, Raducanu embodies everything that the global sporting audience wants to see in a female athlete. Her meteoric rise has been fueled not only by her tennis, but also what the media has cut her out to be: “Teen Tennis Phenom,” “sensation,” “celestial talent,” and “global media stardom” have all appeared in major headlines about Raducanu.4, 5, 6  

3. Exhibit Outline

However, the pressure Raducanu faces today is not unique to her. WTA players, and female athletes in general, are subjected to sexist representations in the media, stemming from the WTA’s commercial origins and aspirations, the tour and media’s fixation on branding its athletes to support such goals, and society’s conditioning of how they want to view female athletes. This exhibit uncover the intricacies of women’s tennis media coverage by presenting notable player examples and examining how modes of social and political thought and the transformation of the WTA (such as the globalization and increased corporatization of the organization) have shaped the perception of these athletes across five intersectional areas: 1) race, ethnicity, and nationality, 2) sexuality, 3) sexualization, commodification, and feminine representation, 4) youth sensationalization, and 5) mental health. The history of each of these topics throughout the Open Era illustrates the complex challenge Raducanu has ahead of her. It would be easy just to play, but for years female tennis players have been forced, and continue to be forced, to deal with the uneven challenges of being a woman on the court. 

Growth of the WTA and the Tennis Media

1. Corporatization in the Fight for Equal Pay

Since the onset of the Open Era, tennis has had a reputation of being a global sport. In fact, activism within women’s tennis is what partially propelled this globalization, specifically in the context of media coverage. Following the Original 9 and Billie Jean King’s activism in 1970 for equal pay, which resulted in the creation of the Virginia Slims Circuit (the first professional tennis tour for women), tennis was propelled to the global stage. In fact, the Battle of the Sexes between King and Bobby Riggs in 1973 garnered the largest live audience for a tennis match and significantly increased global television viewership; King and the Nine’s impact was known internationally.7 Along with tennis’ growing presence on the global stage and the spread of tournaments across a greater range of continents, technological advancements also aided the sports’ globalization. Jet travel and satellite technology progressed at the same time, thereby allowing greater international presence.8 With achievements in equality, the globalization of tennis, and the growing presence of women’s tennis came the corporatization of the WTA.  From the “Founders” era, as tennis scholar Kristi Tredway terms the period characterized by the activist founders of the WTA (i.e. the Original 9), in the early 1970s onwards, the goals of female tennis players were entrenched in corporatization; corporatizing the WTA is what would enable female players to have more tournaments to play in, more prize money opportunities, greater economic support, and enhanced marketing of the sport.9 In the next era of WTA players, the “Joiners,” the athletes continued the movement of the Founders but also tied in activism on issues more pertinent to their generation and their own experiences (e.g. sex, sexuality, nationality, etc.).10 Corporatization also came as a result of the more individualistic, identity-based social movements in the Joiners era.11 It was through this individualism that the celebrity status of players was introduced. Take the Martina Navratilova vs. Chris Evert rivalry, for example. Their historic rivalry was propelled into the spotlight, and the media was quick to form particular perceptions of each of the women, who were both rivals and best friends, especially given how opposite they were: Evert was the patient baseliner, all-American, feminine, girl-next-door, while Navratilova was the aggressive serve-and-volley player, masculine, outspoken (she defected from Czechoslovakia), and lesbian antithesis.12 Thus, players were becoming celebrities, and their identities provided the WTA (and, thus, the tennis media) with the perfect opportunity to brand its athletes and organization. 

2. Postfeminism and Women’s Tennis

Over time, following the Joiners era, this evolution gave the WTA greater corporate authority to control the ideals of womanhood within women’s tennis and thus influence the ways in which its athletes were represented by the media.13 During the Sustainers (the successors of the Joiners) era, the corporate WTA operated on the basis of postfeminism, the notion that the goals put forth by second-wave feminism have been accomplished.14 Apolitical feminism was on the rise; the Founders’ goals of equal pay had been addressed and the Joiners’ continued promotion of and activism on identity politics had been actualized, paving the way for a more pop culture view of feminism as being something unproblemeatic.15 Postfeminism also denies and distances itself from the more radical demands of second-wave feminism, thereby neglecting and inhibiting any further progress while making it seem as if the organization is supporting feminism. Optics are preserved while action is avoided.16 This era, fueled by the WTA’s desires to construct and enforce feminine ideals within its organization and its players, disconnected itself from the historic work and achievements of the Founders and instead focused on the corporate branding of its players.17

3. WTA Strong is Beautiful Campaign

Players also began to compete within this corporatized system. Aside from the battles on-court, a career as a WTA player became about who can become the best brand. The WTA and the media also used this as an opportunity to brand players in a way that promotes society’s stereotypical constructs of femininity and the appropriate image of what a professional women’s tennis player should be. Building players’ individual brands fit them into this corporate model; players could be vessels for profit. Thus, corporatization also transformed the media portrayal of WTA players. While representation of these individual players did gain them financial benefit, it also aided the WTA’s own promotion and corporate interests.18 Perhaps the most striking example of this is the WTA’s Strong is Beautiful ad campaign. A 2011 WTA media campaign launched in 80 countries, Strong is Beautiful featured 38 of the tour’s top players and rising stars in a photo and video shoot as they were holding tennis rackets and hitting tennis balls while dressed in revealing dresses, adorned with heavy makeup, and wearing their hair down: clearly the campaign emphasized sexual appeal over athletic reality.19 It is also important to note that as a contractor of its players, the WTA profits the most from such a campaign.20 The campaign posed as a feminist message; there is a notion that now that feminist goals have already been acheived, and athleticism does not threaten traditional ideals of femininity. However, this postfeminist attitude of the WTA and tennis media only erases the progress made by second-wave feminists like the Founders.21 Through Strong is Beautiful, the WTA and the media were able to construct their vision for what the ideal female tennis player should be under the veil of their postfeminist message.22

4. Grunt Hunt

It was not solely through the Strong is Beautiful campaign that the WTA sought to police femininity within their athletes. In 2012, the organization announced their anti-grunting initiative. This decision followed increased media coverage of the sport and viewers’ negative reactions to the grunts. The WTA suggested providing chair umpires with hand-held devices to keep track of noise levels, implementing rules about what grunts are too loud, and educating junior players at tennis academies about grunting.23 But why this aversion to grunting, something that has become part of the familiar soundscape of a tennis match, both in the men’s and women’s games? Distractions are present all throughout professional sport and on players, so why is it that female tennis players’ grunts are any different? To put it bluntly, the act’s association with sex and something primal makes it unladylike.24 The men, however, are free to grunt during rallies as they please, as no such anti-grunting initiative was ever considered for the men’s tour. Grunting, plain and simple, did not fit with the media’s feminine ideals for WTA players. Controlling grunting is another way of regulating how these athletes are represented by the media and viewed by consumers. Branding and media representation are thus key for the sport’s corporate interests. The Strong is Beautiful campaign and WTA’s anti-grunting initiatives (which never ended up being fully implemented) are only the tip of the iceberg when it comes to how the media have come to portray WTA players to suit their own interests. The media’s emphasis on femininity is to make up for the fact that these women are pursuing a profession in society that goes against the gendered norm.25 In this era of modern day women’s tennis, it is crucial to examine how the environment of the WTA led to the ways the media portrayed, and continues to portray, its athletes as it does. 

Race, Ethnicity, and Nationality

1. The Williams Sisters and Color-Blind Racism

Part of the reason that sports provides an ideal microcosm for other societal issues is that it provides “structured conflict and competitiveness in controlled settings rarely found in other aspects of social life.”26 Different types of social interactions, organizational systems, and behaviors can all be observed within sports. Furthermore, just as postfeminism was present within the tennis media (and the sports media more broadly), themes of color-blind racism also arise when considering the media’s representation of Black athletes in the sport, perhaps most notably the Williams Sisters. Color-blind racism disregards the role of structural racism and instead sees racism as manifesting solely on an individual or interpersonal level.27 The most notable examples of color-blind racism that have manifested themselves in the careers of Venus and Serena Williams are the 2001 Indian Wells incident and Serena Williams’ unsportsmanlike conduct violations and fines at the US Open, particularly following the 2018 women’s singles final. With both of these incidents, examining the media’s role and coverage is key.The Williams Sisters have become some of the greatest legends in sport thanks to their illustrious achievements both on- and off-the-court. Their success as two Black women in a sport traditionally dominated by white, upper class men was not always met with a warm welcome; Venus and Serena’s success disrupted the white spaces that were previously untouched within tennis.28 The Williams Sisters’ very introduction to tennis was already unorthodox. Brought up in the city of Compton, California, the two were trained by their father, Richard Williams, starting at the age of four years old, and they eventually began competing on the professional circuit as teenagers. Venus won her first Grand Slam at the Australian Open in 1998, her first of seven major titles, while Serena has won a record 23, her first being the 1999 US Open; both sisters have won three Olympic gold medals together in doubles and one each in singles. 29 Both have achieved tennis glory, and Serena is often considered one of the greatest, if not the greatest, tennis players of all time; she holds 23 Grand Slams (an Open Era record), 73 singles titles, and 319 weeks at world no. 1.30

2. Indian Wells 2001 Controversy

This video depicts one of the most infamous incidents in tennis history. At the 2001 Indian Wells tournament, the Palm Springs competition often hailed as the fifth Grand Slam, Venus (20) and Serena (19) Williams were set to face off in a semifinal battle. This matchup was coming two years after Serena’s US Open triumph, which was also her first Grand Slam title. While this was a great achievement for the Williamses and a testament to Richard Williams’ efforts, the tennis world quickly devised a scandal around the family: that their father, from the start, favored Serena over her elder sister and would do whatever he could to ensure the younger’s success over Venus.31Early in the day of the semifinal match, Venus notified the tournament that she would have to pull out because of tendinitis. The tournament, however, did not make this announcement until just minutes before the match was set to start.32 Just as the news that Venus had pulled out and Serena had won by default reached fans and the media, the tennis world directed a shameful accusation towards the sisters’ father, accusing him of match fixing to favor the younger sister.33Just days later, Serena walked on court to face Belgian Kim Clijsters in the final match. Venus and her father took their seats in the audience. As the 19 year old walked on court, she was met with all but cheers: the California crowd was jeering. Serena described the feeling in her autobiography, writing, “But I looked up and all I could see was a sea of rich people — mostly older, mostly white — standing and booing lustily like some kind of genteel lynch mob.”34Richard Williams later said to USA Today: “When Venus and I were walking down the stairs to our seats, people kept calling me ‘n—–.’ One said, ‘I wish it was ‘75, we’d skin you alive.’ I think Indian Wells disgraced America.”35 Serena won the match, but following the incident, both sisters announced that they would not be returning to the tournament and faced the WTA’s fines.36Now the question is how did the media react. On the whole, print media acknowledged that the behavior of the crowd was hostile and very atypical for a tennis match. However, the media seemed to justify the crowd’s reaction by saying that the audience was rightfully fed up with the Black tennis family’s seemingly unsportsmanlike conduct.37 For example, Bill Dwyre wrote for The LA Times that the audience had “seen enough of the perceived foolishness of the Williams family. They had finally come to the conclusion that there was more than meets the eye in the default of Venus to sister Serena just minutes before their semifinal match.”38 Framing the sisters as responsible for the reactions and hostility of the crowd removes any racial accountability.39 The press also continued to diminish the legitimacy of Richard and Serena’s claims of the racist insults they heard in the crowd (“go back to Compton,” N-word) and diminished the legitimacy of Venus’ injury (The New York Times wrote, “All the while, revealing no sign of a limp, no wrap on her controversial right knee, Venus Williams kept her head down as she slipped into her row,” and “Few wanted to forgive Venus Williams for pulling out of her semifinal against her sister four minutes before the match on Thursday night. Her penchant for vanishing from tournaments had ruined her credibility. Few wanted to believe that her exit was not part of a fix conjured up by their father”)40, both of which were efforts to avoid entertaining even the possibility that racist intentions could be present.41 

3. 2018 US Open Final: The “Angry Black Woman” Trope and Osaka as the Modern Minority Foil

The 2018 US Open women’s singles final also unveiled many of the media’s biases surrounding both race and gender, particularly given the complex racial identities of the two competitors: Serena Williams and Naomi Osaka. Osaka, then 20 years old, defeated Williams 6-2, 6-4 to claim her first Grand Slam title and become the first ever Japanese major singles champion. During the match, however, Williams faced several penalties: Chair Umpire Carlos Ramos handed her a point penalty for breaking her racket, and following an argument where he accused Williams of receiving coaching during the match, he also issued a verbal abuse game penalty after she vehemently denied the coaching allegations and called him a “thief.”42 The 23-time Grand Slam champion was also fined $17,000.43 Williams expressed her frustration with his handling of the situation, saying that male players do not get penalized the same way for verbal abuse. While Ramos’ penalties were technically fair, Williams and much of the tennis world took issue with the double standard that led to her having to face such severe penalties (in a Grand Slam final nonetheless) but others, particularly male players, not having to do so. She even said during a press conference, “I’ve seen other men call other umpires several things…for me to say ‘thief’ and for him to take a game, it made me feel like it was a sexist remark. He’s never took a game from a man because they said thief. For me, it blows my mind. But I’m going to continue to fight for women.”44 A tearful Osaka was also left in an uncomfortable place, particularly considering that this was her first major title, although Williams embraced the young star and expressed many words of congratulations and support.45 This incident took the media by storm. Both Osaka and Williams have been racialized by the media throughout their careers in different ways, and the aftermath of the 2018 US Open final showcased that. For Williams, this was not the first time that she was involved with controversies regarding her behavior on court and the consequences she faced, with similar incidents occurring at the 2004, 2009, and 2011 US Opens, as well. In all of these cases, the media and tennis world has quickly associated Williams with the “angry Black woman” trope. More specifically, Black women are seen as violent; when compared with similar outbursts by white players, Williams’ on-court disagreements are seen as hostile and aggressive.46 Similar to the Indian Wells situation, however, color-blind racism plays a key role in how this stereotype manifests. The tennis world was quick to rationalize the match officials’ decision by pointing to Williams’ behavior as being too aggressive. While the penalties were fair and by-the-book, this reasoning conveniently ignores the fact that the rules are enforced differently for Williams than they are for others; while she faced the penalties, others who behave similarly often do not have to.47 Furthermore, in addition to her identity as a Black woman, Williams’ position at the top of the game also plays into the color-blind perception. It is easy for white audiences to justify such penalties by saying that as one of the greatest players of all time, Williams ought to be a role model and thus held to a higher standard of sportsmanship. This crucially eliminates the consideration that racism influences the strict levying of these rules upon Williams, a Black female player, specifically, which follows a long history of governmental authorities unfairly levying their disciplinary power to punish Black people under the pretense of playing by the rules. Thus, the predominantly white tennis audience and media distance themselves from there being any possibility of racist motivations behind the penalties Williams faced and her overall experience as a Black female athlete.48Williams was not the only player involved in this controversy. The ways in which Osaka was portrayed in comparison to her opponent expose how Asian feminine stereotypes seep their way into the media’s fashioning of the Haitian-Japanese player as a foil to Williams. Osaka was born in Osaka, Japan to her Haitain father and Japanese mother, but her family soon moved to Broward County, Florida, home to a sizable Haitian community, where she was brought up. A Japanese and American dual citizen, Osaka chose to represent Japan in tennis, which immediately positioned her in a place of importance within the Japanese community. In fact, she quickly locked sponsorship deals with Japan-based companies like Nissin noodles, Nissan Motor, Yonex, and Shiseido.49 As she has made her name as both an athlete and a celebrity, Osaka’s nikkei (Japanese migrant) and jaspora (denoting a member of the Haitian diaspora) identities are viewed differently by the media, often erasing her Haitian identity and Blackness and instead representing her as Japanese.50 With this comes the expectation of female nikkei athletes (including Japanese-American athletes) to follow the model minority stereotype in their athletic careers.51  It was through this very stereotype that the mainstream media narrative of the 2018 US Open final portrayed Osaka as Williams’ victim; Osaka was the submissive, nikkei foil to Williams, the angry Black woman, a dynamic that erases Osaka’s Blackness.52 Following the controversial final, Mark Knight published a cartoon in Herald Sun, an Australian newspaper. The Jim Crow era-esque, exaggerated beast-like image of Williams contrasted a thin, white portrayal of Osaka. Whitewashing Osaka, a lighter-skinned Black woman than Williams, disconnects her from her Blackness in an effort to emphasize her innocence, especially in contrast to Williams. In fact, during her 2019 Australian Open title run, Nissin Food Holdings, one of Osaka’s sponsors, portrayed Osaka as a Manga character but lightened her skin tone without her consent.53 Depicting Osaka as a foil to Williams, whitewashing her skin in cartoon depictions, and labeling her primarily as Japanese rather than Japanese-Haitian are all ways the tennis media have sought to erase her Blackness.54 The Western media has also had an obsession with making Osaka fit with Asian stereotypes of submissiveness, apologeticness, silence, modesty, and obedience.55 For example, reporters and writers consistently emphasized her apologies after defeating Serena in the final and her shyness after winning Indian Wells. These fixations on her behavior are another way of promoting the model minority stereotype in tennis: the emphasis on Osaka’s apologeticness is connected to the tradition of maintaining upper class, white attitudes, ideals of femininity, and stereotypes of Asian femininity in women’s tennis. The media has pressured this stereotypical identity on Osaka, and a large part of its motivation to do so has been erasing her Blackness.56 

4. Li Na the Rebel

Former WTA Chairman and CEO Stacey Allaster once said, “I believe that Li Na is the player of this decade who will have the most impact on the growth of women’s tennis…We will see the fruit of her contributions. We’re experiencing them now…and I believe for decades to come.”57 Li Na, a former WTA player from China, was the first Asian Grand Slam singles champion (2011 French Open). She won a total of two Grand Slams and was a two-time runner-up.58 Li’s French Open victory, which followed her run to the Australian Open final just a few months prior, was a huge story in both China and around the world. Tennis was a relatively new sport in China, and so Li’s success was trailblazing. She was a huge star in the country, as China had not yet achieved much success in tennis. At the point of her retirement in September 2014, she was the second-highest paid female athlete in the world and most of her money came from endorsement deals.59Just as the WTA branded its players to promote its own model of femininity, the WTA fetishized Li Na to suit their corporate interests in China and the rest of Asia.60What is interesting to examine is the differences in the ways in which the Western media and the Chinese media depicted Li throughout her career.61 Following her Roland-Garros triumph, the American media framed Li’s triumph as a victory for China as a nation, whereas the Chinese media framed it as an individual achievement to be celebrated. To the Western media, Li sufficiently represented all of China, whereas the Chinese media framed it as an individual achievement that merited celebration.62 Aside from just this one tournament, however, Li’s characterization as a “rebel” was perceived differently by both media outlets. Throughout her career, Li fought for policies that would grant Chinese athletes more freedom in managing their coaching staff, training costs, and earnings rather than depending on the government’s strict sports system.63 This, coupled with Li’s feistiness on-court and distinct individuality (she was known for her characteristic flower tattoo), framed her as a rebellious figure in Chinese sport. Western media has emphasized this fiery character and continually remarks on how her rebelliousness goes hand-in-hand with her resistance to Chinese sporting authorities and media. For example, take a look at the Western media’s fixation on Li’s tattoo. Tattoos are seen as unorthodox in China but common in the West; Western media emphasizes Li’s tattoo as a symbol of her resisting Chinese norms and showcasing her independence through a Western practice.64 Whereas the Western media sees Li’s rebelliousness as a rightful resistance to Chinese authority, which plays into the political and ideological tensions between these two geopolitical powers, the Chinese media often blatantly called out her behavior as unprofessional and something that needed to be tamed.65 In 2013, Li Na was defeated by American Bethanie Mattek-Sands in the second round of the French Open 5-7, 6-3, 6-2. After the loss, a Chinese reporter asked her about her performance and whether she has anything to say to people watching back home in China, to which she responded, “Do I need to explain? It’s strange. I lost a game and that’s it. Do I need to get on my knees and kowtow to them? Apologize to them?” In response, a reporter for Xinhua News, China’s official news agency, was quoted saying, “Losing the game and her bad temper were direct triggers of her episode at the presser. But if we take a closer look, her ‘unfriendliness’ has a lot to do with her lack of professionalism. As a successful athlete, Li Na may be very professional with her training, game experience, PR team operation, and so on, but she is not with her attitude towards the media. She’s impatient and not respectful enough to the media.”66 Much of this frustration from the Chinese media has to do with Li’s refusal to be painted as a Chinese patriot, especially because they have consistently sought to credit Li’s success to the state’s sports training systems.67The Western media leans into the tension between Li and her nation’s media outlets. In response to the 2013 French Open fiasco, The New York Times Magazine wrote an article entitled “Li Na, China’s Tennis Rebel,” which read, “Despite China’s desire to have Li embody the country’s ambitions, she has made it clear that she plays for herself as much, if not more, than for her homeland. ‘When people say that I represent the nation,’ she told me later, ‘that is too big a hat for me to wear.’ Li’s independent streak is part of what makes her resonate deeply with China’s younger generation, who have nicknamed her Big Sister Na. But for the country’s leaders (be they national, athletic or media), this is a fundamental challenge to the way the Chinese Communist Party has rallied its subjects for 64 years.”68 Through such a global sport as tennis, Li’s ethnicity and nationality was catapulted to the international stage, providing the media (both in the West and in China) with free reign to portray it as they saw fit. Similarly, Williams and Osaka were able to be configured as distinct racial foils. This would not have been possible without the WTA’s corporate environment and dependency on branding its players. These players’ positions within the WTA’s authority, and thus their gender, are directly entwined with how their race, ethnicity, and nationality were covered by the media.

Sexuality

1. The WTA’s History with Homosexuality

The WTA has a long history with LGBTQ+ activism and acceptance, yet this history is complicated by the sport’s roots in white, heterofeminine norms. Some of the tour’s earliest stars, including Billie Jean King and Martina Navratilova, were members of this community, yet their struggle with making their identities public uncovers the roots of heterosexuality that ground the WTA. For example, King was outed by the press in 1981; her ex-partner sued her for palimony, and so the story broke. King did everything she could to obtain some control over the narrative and refuse any association with a homosexual identity.69 She rushed to publish her autobiography in 1982, where she referred to the relationship as “a very private and inconsequential episode,” held her husband Larry King’s hand in all press conferences and TV interviews, and said in a 1981 People magazine interview, “I hate being called a homosexual because I don’t feel that way.”70 However, despite these efforts, several of King’s sponsors dropped her (a financial burden that led King having to elongate her career despite injuries) and tabloids stirred up rumors that young WTA players and their parents “feared” a growing presence of lesbians on tour and thus lockerroom safety.71  Ultimately, it was the acceptance from stereotypically hetero-feminine plaers like Tracy Austin and Chris Evert that helped save King’s image in the media.72 Evert, who was the president of the WTA at the time of King’s outing, even wrote an editorial in Tennis magazine entitled, “Who are we to judge?”73 King’s experiences did have an impact, however. Navratilova was outed just a few months after King. A New York Daily News reporter outed her after Navratilova had a long conversation with him about how she intended to come out after she was granted American citizenship. Navratilova told the reporter to hold off on the story until she received her citizenship, expressing fears that the WTA would lose sponsorships after the outing of yet another top player, yet he outed her anyways.74

2. Amélie Mauresmo 

All this is to say that the WTA, despite currently positioning itself as an LGBTQ+ accepting organization, cannot so easily be distanced from the heterofeminine norms that define the origins of women’s tennis. In fact, no other WTA player came out until 1999, which is when Amélie Mauresmo, a former world no.1 French tennis player, announced to the press at the 1999 Australian Open that she was lesbian. Mauresmo was then 19 years old and had just defeated world no. 1 Lindsay Davenport in the semifinals. After she won, the Frenchwoman was seen running to hug a woman, who was in fact her girlfriend.75 Both the media and fellow players, including Davenport and Mauresmo’s opponent in the final, Martina Hingis, had words to say after the match. Davenport said in her press conference,  “A couple of times, I mean, I thought I was playing a guy out there, the girl was hitting it so hard, so strong, and I would look over there and she’s so strong in the shoulders, those shoulders.”76 Hingis said in a German interview, “She’s half a man; she’s here with her girlfriend.”77 Mauresmo’s “masculine” identity further heightened the media foil she was to American favorite Davenport and teen girl star Hingis, and much of this was fixated on Mauresmo’s body. Now that the public was aware of her sexuality, they began to understand Mauresmo, her body, and her sexuality as masculine. The language used to describe Mauresmo shifted from the fact that she was an unseeded player making a deep run at the 1999 Australian Open (where she came out as lesbian) to focusing on her body. As Mauresmo’s musculature was not particularly striking compared to contemporary female tennis players, the emphasis put on it can be attributed to her sexuality.78 Mauresmo’s perceived masculinity was a product of the media’s portrayals of her rather than her actual character, as she was physically indistinguishable from her fellow players. Mauresmo’s rejection of heterosexuality was thus also seen as a rejection of femininity.79Mauresmo fit into the model of the “butch lesbian,” and so the media, because of the masculine contexts of lesbian identity, branded her as the signature lesbian figure in the sport.80 Just as the tennis media used the Strong is Beautiful campaign to promote post-feminist thought, they also used Mauresmo to promote postlesbian rights and postgay rights attitudes. Mauresmo was the media’s tool to boost their own image by presenting women’s tennis’ progressive values and support for feminist issues, which in turn shifted the focus away from the fact that homophobia and heterosexist suppression are rooted in the system rather than simply in individauls.81 Mauresmo continued to receive strong sponsorship deals and achieve significant commercial success as a lesbian athlete; her sexuality and how people viewed it became a brand both in the view of the press and in a corporate context, both of which are connected.82The tennis world accepted Mauresmo’s identity soon after Davenport and Hingis’ comments were clarified. Behind-the-scenes repair work was necessary, however, as Billie Jean King encouraged Davenport to issue an apology letter and told The New York Times that she asked Evert, a mentor of Hingis, to talk to her protege, as well.83 Mauresmo’s coming out came at a time where LGBTQ+ individuals were much more widely accepted in society. Her public identity and the WTA and tennis world’s eventual acceptance shaped her identity as being a lesbian and not as a masculine woman or antithesis to femininity.84 This open perspective does also provide the WTA with a corporate benefit. Throughout the Open Era, women’s tennis sought to brand itself as LGB-friendly while still being heterosexually dominated. The WTA prioritized the preservation of its capitalist interests by appealing to Western markets’ expectations of tolerance and acceptance but also not alienating themselves to regions that may look down upon homosexuality.85 

3. Minnen and van Uytvanck, the WTA’s 21st-Century Power Couple

The WTA and tennis media’s more open embrace of LGBTQ+ acceptance can be seen via the portrayal of openly lesbian players currently on the tour. Greet Minnen and Alison van Uytvanck, the WTA’s former lesbian power couple until their breakup in late 2021, are two current top-100 ranked Belgian players. They made their relationship public in 2018 and were met with great support, and they even got engaged in January 2021.86 The two often played doubles together and were seen supporting each other during their singles matches and on social media. Throughout their relationship, the WTA embraced them as a symbol of the tour’s acceptance and visibility, and Minnen and van Uytvanck were also portrayed in a generally positive light in the media. Minnen even said in an interview with the WTA that she did not have fear of coming out with regards to reactions from the WTA community.87 Furthermore, while Minnen and van Uytvanck were branded as this power couple, they were also given platforms to speak; they received increased media attention, special WTA features and interviews, and have been invited to be a part of the US Open Pride Day panel for the past few years.88 As both Western corporate interests have motivated organizations to be more socially aware and the WTA has grown, homosexuality has become much more accepted in the women’s tennis sphere. While these players have been branded with that label, it has generally had a positive impact.

Sexualization, Commodification, and Feminine Representation

Unlike male athletes, female athletes are seldom seen as performance athletes. Rather, a narrative of “woman first, athlete second” is promoted. The media even encourages female athletes to sexualize themselves so as to gain popularity, fit in with gendered sports norms, and gain success through endorsement deals.89 This perspective has real impact; it trivializes accomplishments, derails feminist advancements within sports, lowers self-esteem as players are forced to cater to the media’s expectations, and heightens an unhealthy obsession with body image that does not have to do with athletic success.90 These same themes are also visible within the WTA.

1. The Sexualization of Anna Kournikova

In the early 2000s, Anna Kournikova’s name was ubiquitous, albeit not when talking about title winners or top ranked players. Kournikova, who was from Russia, had a relatively successful junior career but failed to meet expectations on the professional circuit.91 She did, however, rack up sponsorships (such as with companies like Adidas and Berlei sports bras) and media attention.92 During the 2001 Wimbledon Championships, British newspapers reported more about Kournikova than both Venus Williams and Pete Sampras, the winners of the tournament, even though she lost in the first round.93 2002 FHM Magazine included her as one of their “100 Sexiest Women in the World,” and she was also featured in Sports Illustrated’s notorious Swimsuit Issue in 2004. Kournikova quickly became a sex symbol and was fetishized for her beauty; a brand had been made for her and she stuck with it. As she said to People magazine once, “I’m beautiful, famous, and gorgeous.”94

2. Kournikova and Sharapova vs. Serena Williams: Color-Casting

The very fact that Kournikova was not successful on the court but still received such great media attention goes to show what the media idealized and wanted to showcase when it came to a female athlete.95 Kournikova fit into the gendered ideal of beauty, and that is why she got such visibility.96 Her white, heterofeminine, youthful appearance embodied desire in the white gaze, and so she was heavily promoted by the media.97 Comparing Kournikova’s media attention to that of other, far more successful young players at the time, particularly Venus and Serena Williams, demonstrates the media’s “color-casting” of female athletes and the aesthetic ideal of femininity that they were promoting. The Williams Sisters were also subject to sexual objectification by the media (particularly Serena) but were never complimented for their attractiveness like Kournikova was. For example, a 2002 internet search of Kournikova’s name resulted in 43 websites with names like “Anna Kournikova – The Goddess of Tennis” and “Adorable Anna Kournikova.” In contrast, a search of Serena’s name only turned up 10 websites and none of them discussed her appearance.98 Williams was even met with backlash and racist messages following her nude photoshoot in Jane Magazine. Serena and Venus have also been featured in Sports Illustrated Swimsuit Issues and been sexualized by the media, but the visibility is different.99 Kournikova fit into the saturated standard of beauty defined by the white, blonde, celebrity image, and Serena did not.100This beauty standard alignment also translated to Maria Sharapova, another, albeit much more successful than Kournikova, Russian player, a few years later. Sharapova ended up achieving the world no. 1 ranking and won five Grand Slams, so her success certainly merited the media attention she got. However, in the realm of sexualization and the tennis media’s standards of beauty, similar themes arise. Data from Bloomberg Today showed that Sharapova appealed much more to male sports fans while Serena appealed to female sports fans. Racist perceptions of the Black female body framed the sexualization and objectification of Serena Williams as exotic, pornographic, and masculine. In contrast, Sharapova fit into the white, feminine norm of beauty, and given the fact that media narratives are often dictated by the male gaze, it is unsurprising that she ultimately reaped the benefits. For example, in 2015, Serena Williams, despite having far more achievements on court, being on the tour for longer, and holding record-breaking deals such as her 2001 five-year $40 million contract with Reebok (which was at the time the richest contract for a female athlete), was second to Sharapova in endorsement money. As the Bloomberg data made clear, sexualization by the media was a far greater economic benefit to white players like Kournikova and Sharapova than non-white.101 The media has promoted this “color-casting” of young, attractive, female athletes; Sharapova and Kournikova fit into the white norm and were thus catapulted into the beauty spotlight, leaving non-white young stars out of it, particularly the Williams sisters.102 Players like Kournikova (and Sharapova) were able to use the media’s objectification of their bodies to their financial benefit, and a large part of that can be attributed to their race. However, regardless of whether players benefitted or not, the motivations behind the media’s sexualization were rooted in the same ideas of wanting to construct a feminine ideal, particularly for female athletes. Preserving this structure of femininity, gender, and heterosexuality within sport thereby cements constructs of masculine power.103 Thus, eroticization trivializes female athletes’ athletic accomplishments and the abilities of their bodies, cements the hetero-masculine ideal of what a sportswoman should be like, promotes ideas of female weakness, and establishes hegemonic masculinity.104

3. The Moms Story

Aside from sexualization, the media also sought to shape female tennis players as feminine in other contexts, including on court. The International Tennis Federation conducted a study earlier in 2021 that examined the portrayal, perception and representation of sportswomen across the media and how the representation of male and female athletes varies. Regarding tennis, the study found that conversation around women’s tennis is lower intensity and focused more on their off-court lives, framing tennis as just one part of female tennis players’ lives and instead having a greater focus on off-court matters such as health, age, and family, all of which are values typically associated with femininity.105 Motherhood, for example, is increasingly emphasized. During the 2020 US Open, three mothers (Victoria Azarenka, Tsvetana Pironkova, and Serena Williams) made it to the quarterfinals. While media coverage rightfully celebrated their achievements, these players were asked about their lives and identities as mothers in nearly every single press conference and interview, pigeonholing these women into the constricted identity of being mothers and tennis players, nothing else. The media has a history of glamorizing maternity in sport, portraying it as the ultimate achievement of femininity and womanhood in an otherwise unfeminine occupation.106 

4. #TwirlGate

Several studies of tennis media coverage during different Grand Slams (e.g. 2007 USO, 2004 Wimbledon) have shown that male players are described by commentators and reporters as gentleman-like and powerful, whereas female players are hyper-feminized and discussions surrounding them are focused on attire, personal relationships, appearance, and their off-court lives.107 In fact, studies of the media coverage during the 2015 Australian Open showed that in comparison to the male players, female athletes were more likely to be portrayed in a negative light regarding lack of athletic skill and athletic weakness and that coverage was focused on their appearance and off-court lives. Serena Williams and Eugenie Bouchard were even asked to twirl and show off their outfits during their post-match interviews. A social media firestorm erupted, with the hashtag #Twirlgate taking over Twitter.108 

5. Discrepancies in Match Commentary in Men’s vs. Women’s Matches

There are also key differences in match commentary during male and female matches. During the 2015 Australian Open semifinals and finals, 32% of the comments about the women had to do about the players’ personal lives (compared to 21% for the men).109 In fact, female  players’ rivalries are often connected to their off-court relationships, and their battles are portrayed as “catty.” Contrast this with how rivalries between male players are seen as contests of athletic ability rather than matters of personal tension.110 Performance terminology also differs across men’s and women’s matches: phrases like “epic battle,” “dangerous,” “aggressive,” and “razor sharp” were used to describe the men’s play vs. “beautifully struck,” “soft,” “shot of pure beauty,” “fabulous” for the women.111 When talking about the mental side of tennis, mentality is seen as a strength in the men’s game vs. seen as a point of vulnerability and weakness in the women’s game.112 Even in performance-related discussions, on-court interviews, and match commentary one can see how female athletes are characterized so as to fit into the media’s model of femininity.

Youth Sensationalization

As was seen with Raducanu immediately following her Wimbledon and US Open breakthroughs in 2021, the media loves to latch on to an attractive, captivating, and personable new young star, particularly in the women’s game. Much of this is absent from the men’s field due to the fact that their tour has been under such strict dominance by Roger Federer, Rafael Nadal, and Novak Djokovic (better known as the Big 3); thus, younger stars are not expected to immediately rise to the top of the game, whereas on the women’s side, there is more room for breakthrough and new dominance.113 For the men’s game, media presence is less dependent on marketability and more so on sheer performance given the Herculean task of making notable breakthroughs during the Big 3 era, which is only just now slowly starting to wane.114As has been noted in all previous subtopics, female athletes have to face additional pressures from the media that men do not, and being a young player and having such little experience on tour certainly complicates these experiences.115 In the following examples, young players’ early achievements put them in the spotlight; as expected, youth and new potential stars attract the media, and so young WTA players who achieve such early success are even more susceptible to falling victim to the sometimes harmful trap of marketability. There have been several young WTA players in modern day tennis who have been consumed by the media’s “overhype” of their success, while some, as Raducanu seems to be doing for the moment, are able to stand the difficult test. In either scenario, young women are tested by the media’s unwavering magnifying glass and face a test of pressure unique to their circumstances. 

1. Oudin and Out

Maria Sharapova entered the 2009 US Open with expectations to defend her title from the year prior. However, the Russian failed to even make the second week of the Slam. In the third round, Sharapova was knocked out by 17-year old Melanie Oudin, an American playing her heart out on Arthur Ashe Stadium and catapulting herself into the media’s limelight. Following her run to the quarterfinals, Oudin reached #31 in the world, becoming the third-ranked American, only behind the Williams Sisters.116 She was met with endorsement deals and an increased amount of attention and fan support as the tennis world fell in love with her press conference interviews, personality, and sneakers which had the word “Believe” on them.117 Oudin also faced the excitement of the American tennis world, eager to see another female star continue the country’s success in the sport established by the Williams Sisters.118 Since the 2009 US Open, however, Oudin only made it past the first round of a singles Grand Slam two more times. After 2014, she did not qualify for any majors. Oudin was unfortunately forced to retire in 2017 when she was just 25 years old, citing health problems and recurring injuries.119

2. Eugenie Bouchard: The Tennis World’s Hopeful Next Golden Girl 

Sadly, stories like Oudin’s are not uncommon in sport, particularly when female athletes have to juggle the unique commercial pressures. Take Canadian player Eugenie Bouchard, for example. Bouchard quickly found success on the junior and pro circuit when she came on tour, becoming the 2012 Wimbledon juniors champion, winning the WTA Newcomer of the Year award in 2013, and having her breakout season the year after where she entered the top 5 of the rankings.120 Bouchard’s 2014 season included semifinal runs at the first two Grand Slams of the year, the Australian Open and Roland-Garros, and then a remarkable achievement reaching the Wimbledon finals at just 20 years of age. However, in the three tournaments after Wimbledon, she only won one match (after which she reached the fourth round of the US Open).121 Bouchard continued on a decline, and then a concussion and other injuries further complicated her career; once tennis’ next hopeful champion, she ended 2019 ranked 262nd in the world.122 So, what happened? As expected with an easily marketable star like Bouchard, – the Canadian speaks the two languages of the Grand Slams, English and French, her perfectly sweet personality is clear through her press conferences and interviews, and she fits the white, heterofeminine standard of beauty – the pressure mounted. Right after her Wimbledon success, Bouchard signed a three-year multimillion dollar deal with Coca Cola in Canada.123 The media saw starpower and marketability in her; she became the next golden girl of tennis. Bouchard’s agent at the time even said, “She’s got the personality, she’s got the game, she’s got the looks…But if Maria [Sharapova] is the bar, Genie has the ability to exceed that bar. She has to perform on the court to do that, and Genie knows that. Maria has won four slams. Her marketability, if she [Bouchard] performs, I have to say is better than anyone on tour. She is the total package. It’s unbelievable how focused this girl is.”124Part of the appeal of a young star is that their innocence is marketable, and innocence is much more easily found and highlighted in female celebrities than male; it makes them different and a perfect symbol of the fresh face of the incoming generation of athletes. WBUR, a Boston-based NPR radio station, published an article entitled “Eugenie Bouchard: The Next Star of Women’s Tennis?” in which they wrote, “Canadian Eugenie Bouchard is 20 years old. She has a crush on Justin Beiber and she enjoys snacking on baby food. But she’s also the eighth-best female tennis player in the world.”125 In an interview with WBUR, Susan Dominus of The New York Times Magazine said, “She’s very well-spoken and she’s incredibly photogenic. I mean it’s quite a powerful combination…she can sort of get by on her potential alone for a very long time because I don’t think people expect women to really play at the top of their game until their mid-20s.”126 Coupled with her good looks and charisma, Bouchard’s youth secured her place in stardom, regardless of whether or not she would perform to par. Dominus even featured Bouchard on the cover of The New York Times Magazine’s Sunday US Open edition in 2014: “Eugenie Bouchard Could Be Tennis’s Next Big Shot.”127

3. Young Faces are Marketable

It is when the pressure of marketability, a consistent theme in how WTA athletes have been viewed by the media, and fame is put on such young players that there is potential for both commercial success and increased popularity, as well as a real threat to their athletic success and state of mind. This same obsession with youthful innocence and a fresh feminine face was seen in the media’s excitement over Raducanu following her US Open win. The Daily Mail referred to her as “the school girl with nerves of steel and the fists of fury” and Rappler wrote, “Emma Raducanu’s innocence, youthful exuberance, and contagious smile have made the teen US Open champion an instant hit with fans and the media.”128, 129 Raducanu’s smile became a fixation for the media, a perfect symbol of her excitement for her fairytale run and girlish joy. As noted earlier, Raducanu fit the marketability checklist – conventionally attractive, young, global, well-spoken – and so the media pounced, and so far she has profited from that. By making history for Great Britain as their first female Grand Slam champion in 44 years, Raducanu was met with endorsement (e.g. $2.75 million deal with Dior) and celebrity opportunities, as she attended the Met Gala, movie premiers, and even played an exhibition match at the Royal Albert Hall.130 The media certainly has the power to propel these players to popularity and financial prosperity. However, since these players are seen as innocent young women, the media preserves their naivety and femininity while discussing their athletic accomplishments; their youth helps the media maintain feminine identities. Raducanu herself was invited to do a photoshoot with British Vogue after Wimbledon and IMG, the sports management company she is signed with, even released a professionally produced Met Gala “getting ready” video, as well.131 She has also been touted as “the UK’s next major fashion influencer” through her new endorsements and red carpet appearances just weeks after her Flushing Meadows triumph.132 There is an excitement to immediately lay the hype on young female tennis players and brand them as the next star; their commercial potential is exciting. However, this undue pressure can have a real impact on the players themselves. While much of it can be attributed to the dominance of the Big 3, this same type of hype is not seen on the men’s side of the game as there is not as much excitement to create a brand out of young male players. Throughout history, female tennis players have been seen as vessels for commercialization, and up-and-coming teenagers are no exception.

Mental Health and an Imminent Press Revolution

Content warning: This portion of the exhibit includes content about suicide.

1. The Ups and Downs of Jennifer Capriati

As the topic of mental health continues to be destigmatized, athletes have also begun to speak out about it more and more. Within women’s tennis, Jennifer Capriati and Naomi Osaka are the most striking examples, especially as their experiences with the media influenced their vocalness about the topic. Both women rose to fame at a young age, yet at totally different times, but the unique relationship between the female tennis player and the tennis media characterized both of their careers.American Jennifer Capriati became the youngest girl to be ranked in the top ten at 14 years old in 1990, the same year that she also reached the French Open semifinals.133 The media had found its next American WTA phenom.  Next season, Capriati lost to fellow teenage star Monica Seles in an epic, three-set semifinal battle at the 1991 US Open. Aside from an impressive show of teenage talent, this match also changed Capriati’s career.134 Capriati talked about having nightmares after this match, and two years later lost in the first round of the tournament, unable to stop crying following the loss. Looking back on that time in a 1994 interview with The New York Times, she said, “I really was not happy with myself, my tennis, my life, my parents, my coaches, my friends. . . . When I looked in my mirror, I actually saw this distorted image: I was so ugly and fat, I just wanted to kill myself, really.”135 Capriati also spoke about the pressure, saying, “I was always expected to be at the top, and if I didn’t win, to me that meant I was a loser. I felt like my parents and everybody else thought that tennis was the way to make it in life, they thought it was good, but I thought no one knew or wanted to know the person who was behind my tennis life.”136Capriati took a break from tennis starting in 1993, during which she was arrested for marijuana possession in May and then had to go to rehab for 28 days.137 She quickly fell from grace; Capriati had burned out, and she was no longer the media’s teenage sensation.138 Much of this pressure and subsequent mental health downturn she attributed to the intense pressure the media subjected her to. She blamed the press for the overhype that ruined her young career, as well as her starting so young. Both had a significant impact on her mental health.139 The demise of Capriati’s young career was due to a slew of factors, yet the role the media played in it cannot be ignored; this time, the pressure this female tennis player faced from the tennis world and her family nearly pushed her over the edge.140 Perhaps most promisingly, however, she found her happiness through the sport again. Capriati returned to the sport in 1994, and in 2001 won both the Australian Open and French Open, and then successfully defended her Australian Open crown the year after. 

2. Coco Gauff’s Struggles with Mental Health

Another, more contemporary American player who has been open about her struggles with pressure is Cori “Coco” Gauff. Gauff, who rose to global fame when she upset Venus Williams at the 2019 Wimbledon Championships in the first round and is currently ranked no. 22 in the world at the ripe age of 17, has had to face these pressures ever since she was 15 years old. The young American was known within the tennis world as a promising junior and next protege of renowned tennis coach Patrick Mouratoglou, Serena Williams’ coach.141 In an interview with Tennis.com, Gauff said, “Throughout my life, I was always the youngest to do things, which added hype that I didn’t want. It added this pressure that I needed to do well fast.” She has often been touted as the next Venus or Serena, which is an added level of pressure also overlapping with her racial identity. Gauff spoke about the impact of the pressure she has faced since such a young age, saying about 2017 and 2018, “For about a year I was really depressed. That was the toughest year for me so far. Even though I had, it felt like there weren’t many friends there for me.”142

3. Osaka’s Press Boycott

When thinking about the press and women’s tennis, it is perhaps Naomi Osaka’s entanglement with the tennis media that immediately comes to mind. Since her abrupt rise to fame in 2018, Osaka, too, has faced the pressures that come with being a new star, in addition to those that come with her unique position as a multinational and multiethnic figure. Right before the start of the 2021 French Open, Osaka announced via a statement posted on her social media that she would not be participating in any press conferences during the tournament. She cited the disregard for athletes’ mental health that she has experienced in her experiences in pressers, saying “We’re often sat there and asked questions that we’ve been asked multiple times before or asked questions that bring doubt into our minds and I’m just not going to subject myself to people that doubt me.”143 Many people criticized Osaka for neglecting this responsibility that comes with the job, including Billie Jean King herself.144 The French Open fined Osaka $15,000, although this was not surprising as it is written within the rules that players must attend press.145 However, what shook the tennis world was a joint statement released by the four Grand Slams threatening suspension from future tournaments if Osaka continued to skip press.146Osaka made the decision to pull out of the tournament, although she did not stay quiet about this incident. Osaka made the brave choice to speak openly about her struggles with mental health: “The truth is that I have suffered long bouts of depression since the US Open in 2018 and I have had a really hard time coping with that,” she said. 2018 was the very year that Osaka was launched into the spotlight and the media frenzy erupted.147 Osaka explained how her struggles with mental health shaped her decision to take a break from the press until changes were made to the media’s culture. In her essay published in TIME Magazine, “It’s O.K. Not to Be O.K.,” Osaka writes, “This was never about the press, but rather the traditional format of the press conference. I’ll say it again for those at the back: I love the press; I do not love all press conferences.” She then says, “I communicated that I wanted to skip press conferences at Roland Garros to exercise self-care and preservation of my mental health. I stand by that. Athletes are humans. Tennis is our privileged profession, and of course there are commitments off the court that coincide.”148Osaka’s concerns were exemplified just a few months after the French Open. During a press conference at the Western & Southern Open, a reporter for the Cincinnati Enquirer asked Osaka, “you’re not crazy about dealing with us … yet you have a lot of outside interests that are served by having a media platform…how do you balance the two?”149 After responding to the question, Osaka soon started crying and had to leave the room once the WTA moderator paused the press conference. Naomi’s agent, Stuart Duguid, responded to this incident, saying to Ben Rothenberg of The New York Times, “The bully at the Cincinnati Enquirer is the epitome of why player/media relations are so fraught right now. Everyone on that Zoom will agree that his tone was all wrong and his sole purpose was to intimidate. Really appalling behavior…And this insinuation that Naomi owes her off court success to the media is a myth — don’t be so self-indulgent.”150Across all these subtopics, it is clear that female tennis players face a unique level of pressure, and the mental health consequences of these practices are real. In the current modern era of tennis that we are in, players are increasingly stepping up to the role of athlete and activist. Osaka has spoken out about wanting to work with the Grand Slams and ATP and WTA tours to improve the press conference format, and many players have come out in agreement that changes need to be made. In fact, Roger Federer expressed his support for Osaka’s efforts: “The press situation does need to be reconsidered…I think players, the tournaments, journalists, we need to sit down together in a room and go, ‘OK, what would work for you and what works for us,’ he said in an interview with GQ Magazine.151 Perhaps now we will finally see changes made to the relationship between players and the media. Tennis has often been a trailblazer for activism, and so these improvements may inspire other sporting worlds, as well.

Conclusion

The tennis media has greatly aided the WTA and women’s tennis in their growth as an organization and global sport, respectively. However, given the WTA’s history and corporate roots, the goal quickly became branding the organization’s players for commercial benefit. The connection between the tennis media and the WTA’s corporate goals has provided players with avenues for financial success and a celebrity platform, yet it has also often confined them within the societal model of femininity. Sexist and gendered norms were promoted by the media and thus influenced the ways in which WTA players have been and continue to be represented in the tennis world. Throughout history, tennis media’s fixation on branding female players and ensuring their marketability stems from a desire to keep femininity in check in a professional athletic environment. The WTA’s globalization and corporatization intertwined with societal sexist motives to protect conventional norms of femininity in athletic landscapes. Thus, since the tour’s inception, the WTA, corporate sponsors, tennis media, and players have been caught in a crossfire, oftentimes neglecting WTA players’ agency and instead subjecting them to the media’s heterofeminine visions for them. 

1. Without the Press, Women’s Tennis Would Be Nowhere

However, as tennis enters a press revolution, one cannot forget the advantages corporatization and the media bring to the table. Without them, the fight for equal pay would have been rendered null and tennis would be nowhere close to where it is today. As Billie Jean King said in response to Osaka’s press boycott, “While it’s important that everyone has the right to speak their truth, I have always believed that as professional athletes we have a responsibility to make ourselves available to the media. In our day, without the press, nobody would have known who we are or what we thought. There is no question they helped build and grow our sport to what it is today.”152 It is true that players, especially given the history of the WTA and how it came to fruition, have a duty to work with the media. This is especially pertinent as alternative avenues for players to engage with the rest of the tennis world are evolving. Social media, a relatively new concept, gives players more agency in branding themselves; Osaka is now able to share both her Japanese and Haitian roots through the pictures she posts and messages she shares on Instagram, players are unapologetically open about their sexuality, and they also now have a direct line of communication with their fans, the media, and the rest of the tennis world that is totally controlled by them.153, 154 Social media also gives players an opportunity to speak out about issues, including those with the media, as well as portray what life as a WTA player is like. There is an argument that the media often portrays a better picture of players than the players can on their own, as they observe them and have a holistic view of the sport from a non-player perspective; while a player may choose to post certain workout videos or photos from hitting sessions on their Instagram, a journalist writing an article may be able to get more of the player’s insights on the rigor and joy of training, reality of being away from family, and deeper perspectives on living this lifestyle.155 

2. Times Are Changing, and Thankfully for the Better

Thus, villainizing the sports media hinders progress. In fact, the WTA has made several strides in improving player-media relations and players’ livelihoods on tour based on these stories. Following Capriati’s off-court issues, the WTA implemented rules that players have to be at least 15 years old to play in a professional tournament and have to be part-time until they are 18, and more recently, the organization has provided mental health resources for its players.156, 157 The culture and lifestyle of a professional tennis player has also improved, in that rather than just being accompanied by a coach and their parents, today’s players have an entire team devoted to their wellbeing.158 The marketability question is also changing now, as slowly the priorities for female athleticism and commercial potential are evolving; the value of heterofemininity as seen with Kournikova is waning while activist athletes like Osaka and Gauff are gaining more attention.159 Osaka’s big-name sponsors like Nike, Tag-Heuer, Nissan, and Mastercard all expressed vocal support for her speaking out about her mental health and taking a break from press.160 Nike even collaborated with Osaka to launch her debut streetwear line, which incorporates aspects of her diverse racial and ethnic identities in the modern designs.161As suggested by several members of the tennis world, dialogue between journalists, players, and the professional tennis tours is necessary to understand both perspectives. The results of the conflation of the WTA’s corporate roots, media coverage, and antiquated expectations of femininity are clear through looking at how these female athletes have been portrayed, and there are valid concerns that need to be addressed. As the relationship between players and the media evolves and WTA stars make a name for themselves, the unfolding of these themes will be a defining factor in how this sport continues to establish itself on the international level.