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The Declare War Clause and Its Multiple Interpretations

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America’s primary military conflicts were fought without formal acknowledgment during the immediate post-ratification period. In the early post-ratification period, the Declare War Clause was interpreted to limit the President’s power to declare war independently. The Clause requires a formal declaration of war from Congress for the United States to use force against another country.

Many founders saw this clause as an essential limit on the President’s power and a way to ensure a formal acknowledgment of war was required before the country engaged in military conflicts. The meaning of this text, and its intention, is that The Constitution grants Congress the sole power to declare war. However, there have been various interpretations of the true meaning of the clause. There are four instances where the President can engage in military activity that complies with the Declare War Clause. First, the President may use military force if specifically authorized by Congress.

Second, the President can independently engage in disputes if it is in response to an attack on the United States. Third, the President may use the Commander-in-chief power and other constitutional powers to deploy U.S. forces in situations that do not amount to war. Finally, the President can use force under the authority of the United Nations, which some people have argued can substitute for approval by Congress.  

Scholars and commentators have multiple interpretations of this clause. Some commentators have stated that presidents have claimed authorization from informal or indirect congressional actions, such as approval of military spending, assent by congressional leaders, or even Congress’s failure to object to ongoing hostilities instead of formal direct authorization. In addition to attacks on U.S. territory, defensive responses can extend to attacks on U.S. citizens, forces abroad, or U.S. allies and U.S. interests. 

Multiple scholars have claimed that presidents can initiate the use of force independently without the consent of Congress. For example, President Truman ordered U.S. forces into combat in Korea in 1973, and President Obama used air strikes to support the ouster of Muammar Qaddafi in Libya. Regardless of the original meaning, these examples have established a modern practice that allows the President to have a good amount of independent military power. In the Prize Cases of 1863, the Supreme Court supported Abraham Lincoln’s decision to blockade the Confederate ports following the attack on Fort Summers. On April 19 and 27, 1861, Lincoln issued decrees authorizing a blockade of Confederate ports, yet Congress did not officially recognize a state of war until July 13.

People argued that Lincoln exceeded his constitutional boundaries, but the Supreme Court decided he acted within his rights. While Congress could declare war, it was the President’s responsibility as commander-in-chief to respond to attacks and resist insurrection. This clause offers a debate over a ruler’s constitutional power and how there needs to be a checking system to limit them. Monstisque highly agreed with the notion of checks and balances and concluded that the best form of government was one in which all branches of government were separate and kept each other in check to prevent any branch from becoming too powerful. Although this clause is not a direct product of the checks and balances, the sentiment is the same.

The Constitution gives Congress this executive power to ensure the President cannot abuse his position. The most convincing interpretation is that presidents can independently engage in disputes as a defensive measure to protect the nation’s security. If an external force poses a threat to the integrity of American citizens, a defensive reaction is mandatory for the safety of the country.

Commerce Clause and Declare War Clause – Annika Maduraperuma

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The Articles of Confederation, the precursor to the Constitution created a weak federal government, giving too much autonomy and power to the states, upsetting the power balances. The Constitution sought to fix this, and in Article 1, the legislative branch is created, balancing and regulating state and federal power. Section 8, often called “the enumerated powers of congress” is thought of as a direct response to the problems of the Articles of Confederation.

The Commerce clause, Clause 3 of Article 1, Section 8, is commonly understood to display the power Congress has to regulate commerce and trade internally, externally, and with Native American tribes. This clause stops states from interfering or obstructing interstate commerce. The reach of the commerce clause has become increasingly expansive over time. In Gibbons v Ogden (1824), Chief Justice Marshall expanded the definition of commerce to intercourse, the dealings and discussions between groups or individuals at large. As time went on, other Supreme Court cases slowly defined that anything that ends in profit, and requires interstate movement in that process, can be federally regulated. After United States v. Darby (1941), Congress’ regulation was redefined to encompass any intrastate activities that affect interstate commerce. In Katzenbach v McClung (1964), the Court’s unanimous decision enforced the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and set the precedent that segregation interfered with interstate commerce because of its effect on transportation and business. This stopped McClung from refusing to serve African Americans and gave Congress the power to stop segregation.

The Declare War Clause, Clause 11 of Article 1, Section 8, grants Congress the sole power to declare war and commence hostilities. At the time of creation, it was meant to be a check on the President’s power. But, in the modern day, it is commonly misunderstood that war is declared by the President, as the powers of the Declare War clause and the President’s position as commander in chief of the armed forces blur. After the Gulf of Tonkin incident, President Johnson asked for and received a resolution from Congress allowing him to ensure international and Southeast Asian peace and US safety and prevent further aggression through any necessary means. This resolution served as grounds for the rest of the military action President Johnson and President Nixon oversaw during the Vietnam war, though a formal declaration of war was never decreed (1). Tension specifically rose between Congress and the President when Nixon secretly bombed Cambodia without congressional consent or oversight in 1970 (2). This led to the War Powers Resolution of 1973, which forced the President to report any use of armed forces to Congress within 48 hours, after which if Congress failed to authorize use of hostilities in the next 60 days, the President must terminate any action. While meant to limit executive power, it implicitly gives them a period of guaranteed action, continuing the battle over military checks and balances.

  1. National Archives, “Tonkin Gulf Resolution (1964),” National Archives, accessed June 1, 2023, https://www.archives.gov/milestone-documents/tonkin-gulf-resolution.

  2. Richard Nixon Presidential Library, “War Powers Resolution of 1973,” Richard Nixon Presidential Library, accessed June 1, 2023, https://www.nixonlibrary.gov/news/war-powers-resolution-1973#:~:text=Congress%20passed%20the%20War%20Powers,from%20Vietnam%20in%20early%201973.

Jason Joseph – The Commerce Clause and Declare War Clause

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Under the Articles of Confederation, states had the power to handle their commerce largely independently which hindered trade between states and hurt the overall economy. The Commerce Clause allowed Congress to centralize trade between nations, states, and Indian tribes. This increased trade and the movement of goods, bolstering the economy. In 1808, the first year it was authorized by the constitution to do so, Congress banned the importation of slaves because it fell under foreign commerce. This, as well as Gibbons v. Ogden (1824), provided a precedent for Congress to overrule state laws that pertained to interstate or foreign commerce. Katzenbach v. McClung (1964) was a case where McClung believed Congress had no power to integrate his restaurant. McClung was forced to integrate because his business fit the definition of interstate commerce and Congress therefore had authority over it. The Supreme Court ruled that segregation created limitations on African Americans who traveled to different states, falling under the Commerce Clause, allowing Congress to gain more authority over the states to end segregation. The definition of interstate commerce is highly contested with those wanting decreased government oversight pushing for the original definition of navigation and trade, and those wanting increased government oversight arguing for a broader interpretation. By leaving the meaning of interstate commerce broad it assures that as the circumstances in the United States change so too can the economic practices.

The Declare War clause gives Congress the sole power to wage war, commandeer citizens’ ships in times of war, and provide legislation over obtained territory. The framers intended the Declare War clause to serve as a check to the President’s military power. However, the framers also wanted The President to keep enough autonomy in order to respond to sudden attacks against the nation. In 1964, Congress authorized military support to defend the assets and allies the United States had in Southeast Asia. This led to the Vietnam War, an undeclared war,  where The President took actions that vastly expanded on Congress’ authorization, such as having a draft. When President Nixon approved a secret bombing in Cambodia during the war, Congress realized it needed increased power in foreign military conflicts. The War Powers Resolution of 1973, mandates that The President communicate with Congress before using force, and obtain approval from Congress for missions longer than 60 days. This is intended to allow Congress to control the military direction of the nation. On the contrary, this resolution gives The President 60 days of unauthorized action, which prior to the resolution The President did not have. As weapons’ capability for destruction grows, troops travel faster, and information is spread more rapidly, the devastation and lasting impact that can be accomplished in 60 days of conflict is increasing. Can military action that profoundly affects the entire United States and the well-being of other nations be entrusted to a single individual?

 

Bibliography

Barnett, Randy E. “Why Congress and the Courts Should Obey the Original Meaning of the Commerce Clause.” National Constitution Center. Accessed May 31, 2023. https://constitutioncenter.org/the-constitution/articles/article-i/clauses/752.

 

Barnett, Randy E., and Andrew Koppelman. “The Commerce Clause.” National Constitution Center. Accessed May 31, 2023. https://constitutioncenter.org/the-constitution/articles/article-i/clauses/752.

 

Denniston, Lyle. “Was the Vietnam War Unconstitutional?” National Constitution Center. Last modified September 20, 2017. Accessed May 30, 2023. https://constitutioncenter.org/blog/was-the-vietnam-war-unconstitutional.

 

Oyez. “Gibbons v. Ogden.” Oyez. Accessed May 31, 2023. https://www.oyez.org/cases/1789-1850/22us1.

 

———. “Katzenbach v. McClung.” Oyez. Accessed May 31, 2023. https://www.oyez.org/cases/1964/543.

 

Ramsay, Michael D., and Stephen I. Vladeck. “Declare War Clause.” National Constitution Center. Accessed May 31, 2023. https://constitutioncenter.org/the-constitution/articles/article-i/clauses/753.

 

Richard Nixon Presidential Library and Museum. “War Powers Resolution of 1973.” Richard Nixon Presidential Library and Museum. Last modified July 27, 2021. Accessed May 31, 2023. https://www.nixonlibrary.gov/news/war-powers-resolution-1973#:~:text=The%20War%20Powers%20Resolution%20of,the%20executive%20branch’s%20power%20when.

 

Vladeck, Stephen I. “Congress’s Statutory Abdication of Its Declare War Power.” National Constitution Center. Accessed May 31, 2023. https://constitutioncenter.org/the-constitution/articles/article-i/clauses/753.

 

Reese C-Constitution Project-The Declare War Clause

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The Declare War Clause is a part of the eighth section of the first article of the Constitution of the United States. The clause states “The Congress shall have Power . . . To declare War, grant Letters of Marque and Reprisal, and make Rules concerning Captures on Land and Water.” The framers of the Constitution wished to include this clause to create a concrete limit on the power of the executive branch and disallow a single person from controlling such a momentous decision as Declaring War, unlike the British Monarchy where the king can declare war.

By vesting the power to declare war in the hands of Congress, the framers guaranteed that there would be checks and balances to the decision as Congress would need to vote to instigate a war. The clause has commonly been understood as vesting the power to declare war in Congress in order to limit the power of the Executive Branch and add a democratic process into the steps to declare war However, it is slightly contested among scholars as a majority of scholars agree that Presidents cannot instigate wars without the permission of Congress while a minority believes that the Declare War Clause only gives Congress the power to make formal declarations of war and as a result, the President can declare war.

To support this point, some scholars have looked carefully at the language of the clause and argued that the power to “declare war” can be thought of as a formal declaration and not the use of military force. As well, these scholars have looked into the historical practices of the clause: In response to attacks on American Ships in the Bey of Tripoli during Thomas Jefferson’s presidency, Jefferson responded by sending ships to the Bey but instructed them to not attack the enemy ships and to only subdue them.

Jefferson felt that by commanding his ships to not attack the enemies, he wouldn’t be violating the Declare War Clause. In response to Jeffersons’ actions, former Secretary of the Treasury, Alexander Hamilton, stated that he found the clause to be vesting the power to declare war in the hands of Congress, but if another country had initiated a war, as the Tripolitans had in this case, then the country was already in a state of war and due to this, no declaration was needed to initiate war and use violence.

Using Jefferson’s actions and Hamilton’s view, scholars have argued that Presidents are allowed to deploy troops that are not involved in combat and initiate war if it is in response to attacks on the country. In the 1863 Prizes Case, the Supreme Court sustained President Lincoln’s blockade of southern states’ ports, without the permission of Congress, in response to the state’s attack on Fort Sumter. The court concluded that the blockade was constitutional because a state of war was in place as a result of the attack, therefore, the permission of Congress was not needed. The case clearly illustrates the President’s power to initiate war in the case of an attack on the country.

The Declare War Clause distinctly exhibits the separation of powers, which was heavily implemented by the French in their constitutions and it represents how both the American and French constitutions were heavily influenced by each country’s negative experiences under monarchs. I find that the scholars who believe that the Declare War Clause only gives Congress the ability to formally declare war are a minority for a reason: It seems backwards to think that the framers of the Constitution would not add a key separation of powers and that instead, that they were only talking about formalities.

I believe this because the concept of separation of powers is one of the backbones of the constitution and so I feel that it is more reasonable that this clause is using the concept. If I had the ability to amend the clause I would opt to add a section stating that the President cannot declare war unless the country has been attacked or they have the permission of Congress. I think this adds a lot of clarity and prevents any future President from feeling like they could not use the full force needed because they were trying to follow the clause so carefully. 

 

Declare War Clause: Article 1, Section 8

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When the Constitution was created, Article 1, Section 8 dealt with federalism, the separation of the powers on the national level versus the state level. The common interpretation of this section has changed over time, and one can generalize them into four broad categories in chronological order. At first, this section was perceived as Enumerated Rights Federalism, which meant that the national government was characterized as a government with limited powers. The national government had power as far as the enumeration in Section 8 went, but the states had everything else that was left over. State power was not given by outlining them directly, but instead by outlining the power of the federal government.

The second category was Fundamental Rights Federalism, where after the Civil War and the Civil Rights Act, the federal government was given the power to override state legislation in order to protect the fundamental rights of American citizens. The third category was New Deal Federalism, which ended Enumerated Rights Federalism, because this gave the federal government the power to regulate the states themselves in terms of intrastate commerce.

Now, enter into the modern era, where courts are trying to find a way to draw lines in order to identify where Congress’ powers end and where states’ powers start. Such efforts include preventing Congress from interfering in noneconomic intrastate activity. This is called State Sovereignty Federalism, where courts try to carve out a zone of autonomy for the states. Federalism has been debated for a long time, whether it be the amount of rights delegated to the national government and Congress versus the states. Some are staunch supporters of giving states the vast majority of rights, pointing to how individual states can establish different legislative/economic systems as a form of experimentation to see which sort of system works best.

Some argue that the methods of the court in terms of determining federalism based on the sovereignty of the states is not a method that adequately takes into account the intricacies of the relationship between the federal and state governments. When talking specifically about the Declare War Clause in Section 8, the common interpretation of that also falls into debate. However, the two sides of the debate are a bit different from the federal vs state government debate.

The debate in this clause specifically is between the executive branch and the legislative branch. The wording of the clause states that Congress can “declare war”, make legislation about conquering on land and water, authority to permit privateers to use force upon an enemy, and authority to legalize the seizing of another foreign nation’s property as repayment for debt. Up until the modern era, it has been unclear whether the Declare War Clause permits the executive branch to respond to sudden violent attacks.

In the case of The Bey of Tripoli, when war was declared upon the United States, President Thomas Jefferson sent frigates in response. However, Congress never formally declared a state of war with the Bey of Tripoli, and ever since, it has been unclear to what extent the executive branch can respond with force to a threat without the authorization of Congress, if at all. Judicial courts have also largely left this issue alone, so the executive branch and Congress have simply needed to reach a state of compromise and agreement with each other.

The Declare War Clause

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When the Constitution was originally written in 1787, the Antifederalists became fearful that the new Constitution would give too much power purely to the President, so the new government would resemble a monarchy more than the democratic system promised. The Antifederalists opposed the US Constitution because they believed that it did not balance powers. The Declare War Clause addressed the power the President had when addressing declarations of war against other nations.

The Declare War Clause was initially written with the purpose of limiting the President’s use of the USA’s military forces without Congress’s clear approval. The clause was a preventative clause to insure the President couldn’t abuse their powers. The approval of Congress was thought necessary for both formal declarations of war and for smaller uses of force in 1787. Modern Presidents have used military forces without formal consent from Congress. In 1950, President Truman ordered for US forces to enter Korea without approval from Congress. Constitutional scholars argued that, regardless of the original intention of the clause, there is now a modernized practice that allows the President considerable power to use military forces. Some constitutional scholars believe that Presidents have full authority when responding to an attack on the USA, while others think that the President controls offensive and defensive attacks. 

Generally, a majority agree that presidential actions pursuant to Congressional authorizations are constitutional, although there is debate regarding how broadly any particular authorization goes. Presidents have claimed authorization from informal congressional actions such as Congress’s failure to object to ongoing hostilities. This has caused controversy surrounding the clause and how effective or respected it is.

Some Presidents have decided independently on approving military action, while others stayed true to the Declare War Clause. Many scholars believe that no matter what the original purpose of this clause was, it has transformed into a more modern understanding that allows the President more independent power. Scholars believe that Presidents are allowed to initiate the use of military force without formally declaring war, but that Congress’s exclusive power is issuing the proclamation of war. In the 1863 “Prize Cases”, the Supreme Court stated that as a defensive measure, President Lincoln’s blockade following an attack was ambiguous regarding whether the authority for said blockade came from specific statutes of Congress. Court noted that the President couldn’t begin hostilities without Congress’s approval. Now courts avoid deciding cases based on limits on what types of disputes courts can resolve, including political questions. As a result, the precise implications of the Declare War Clause remain unanswered. Leaving room for debates and disputes. The “Prize Cases” show that the basics of this clause remained upheld because it was decided that the President couldn’t begin a war or use military sources without Congress’s approval.

In history, we have learned about the causes of revolutions in France and America, and the main cause for both revolutions was fear of a monarchy and the concentrated power that comes with a monarchy. The Declare War Clause guards a piece of power against being a single man’s decision and therefore aids in protecting the USA against a monarchy.