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The Declare War Clause is a part of the eighth section of the first article of the Constitution of the United States. The clause states “The Congress shall have Power . . . To declare War, grant Letters of Marque and Reprisal, and make Rules concerning Captures on Land and Water.” The framers of the Constitution wished to include this clause to create a concrete limit on the power of the executive branch and disallow a single person from controlling such a momentous decision as Declaring War, unlike the British Monarchy where the king can declare war.

By vesting the power to declare war in the hands of Congress, the framers guaranteed that there would be checks and balances to the decision as Congress would need to vote to instigate a war. The clause has commonly been understood as vesting the power to declare war in Congress in order to limit the power of the Executive Branch and add a democratic process into the steps to declare war However, it is slightly contested among scholars as a majority of scholars agree that Presidents cannot instigate wars without the permission of Congress while a minority believes that the Declare War Clause only gives Congress the power to make formal declarations of war and as a result, the President can declare war.

To support this point, some scholars have looked carefully at the language of the clause and argued that the power to “declare war” can be thought of as a formal declaration and not the use of military force. As well, these scholars have looked into the historical practices of the clause: In response to attacks on American Ships in the Bey of Tripoli during Thomas Jefferson’s presidency, Jefferson responded by sending ships to the Bey but instructed them to not attack the enemy ships and to only subdue them.

Jefferson felt that by commanding his ships to not attack the enemies, he wouldn’t be violating the Declare War Clause. In response to Jeffersons’ actions, former Secretary of the Treasury, Alexander Hamilton, stated that he found the clause to be vesting the power to declare war in the hands of Congress, but if another country had initiated a war, as the Tripolitans had in this case, then the country was already in a state of war and due to this, no declaration was needed to initiate war and use violence.

Using Jefferson’s actions and Hamilton’s view, scholars have argued that Presidents are allowed to deploy troops that are not involved in combat and initiate war if it is in response to attacks on the country. In the 1863 Prizes Case, the Supreme Court sustained President Lincoln’s blockade of southern states’ ports, without the permission of Congress, in response to the state’s attack on Fort Sumter. The court concluded that the blockade was constitutional because a state of war was in place as a result of the attack, therefore, the permission of Congress was not needed. The case clearly illustrates the President’s power to initiate war in the case of an attack on the country.

The Declare War Clause distinctly exhibits the separation of powers, which was heavily implemented by the French in their constitutions and it represents how both the American and French constitutions were heavily influenced by each country’s negative experiences under monarchs. I find that the scholars who believe that the Declare War Clause only gives Congress the ability to formally declare war are a minority for a reason: It seems backwards to think that the framers of the Constitution would not add a key separation of powers and that instead, that they were only talking about formalities.

I believe this because the concept of separation of powers is one of the backbones of the constitution and so I feel that it is more reasonable that this clause is using the concept. If I had the ability to amend the clause I would opt to add a section stating that the President cannot declare war unless the country has been attacked or they have the permission of Congress. I think this adds a lot of clarity and prevents any future President from feeling like they could not use the full force needed because they were trying to follow the clause so carefully. 

 

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When the Constitution was created, Article 1, Section 8 dealt with federalism, the separation of the powers on the national level versus the state level. The common interpretation of this section has changed over time, and one can generalize them into four broad categories in chronological order. At first, this section was perceived as Enumerated Rights Federalism, which meant that the national government was characterized as a government with limited powers. The national government had power as far as the enumeration in Section 8 went, but the states had everything else that was left over. State power was not given by outlining them directly, but instead by outlining the power of the federal government.

The second category was Fundamental Rights Federalism, where after the Civil War and the Civil Rights Act, the federal government was given the power to override state legislation in order to protect the fundamental rights of American citizens. The third category was New Deal Federalism, which ended Enumerated Rights Federalism, because this gave the federal government the power to regulate the states themselves in terms of intrastate commerce.

Now, enter into the modern era, where courts are trying to find a way to draw lines in order to identify where Congress’ powers end and where states’ powers start. Such efforts include preventing Congress from interfering in noneconomic intrastate activity. This is called State Sovereignty Federalism, where courts try to carve out a zone of autonomy for the states. Federalism has been debated for a long time, whether it be the amount of rights delegated to the national government and Congress versus the states. Some are staunch supporters of giving states the vast majority of rights, pointing to how individual states can establish different legislative/economic systems as a form of experimentation to see which sort of system works best.

Some argue that the methods of the court in terms of determining federalism based on the sovereignty of the states is not a method that adequately takes into account the intricacies of the relationship between the federal and state governments. When talking specifically about the Declare War Clause in Section 8, the common interpretation of that also falls into debate. However, the two sides of the debate are a bit different from the federal vs state government debate.

The debate in this clause specifically is between the executive branch and the legislative branch. The wording of the clause states that Congress can “declare war”, make legislation about conquering on land and water, authority to permit privateers to use force upon an enemy, and authority to legalize the seizing of another foreign nation’s property as repayment for debt. Up until the modern era, it has been unclear whether the Declare War Clause permits the executive branch to respond to sudden violent attacks.

In the case of The Bey of Tripoli, when war was declared upon the United States, President Thomas Jefferson sent frigates in response. However, Congress never formally declared a state of war with the Bey of Tripoli, and ever since, it has been unclear to what extent the executive branch can respond with force to a threat without the authorization of Congress, if at all. Judicial courts have also largely left this issue alone, so the executive branch and Congress have simply needed to reach a state of compromise and agreement with each other.